Political Parties in Nigeria Essay

Democracy no doubt is the world’s current new bride. To the extent that everyone – Politicians, Journalists, statesmen and even laymen – call themselves democrats while those who wish to defend a regime no matter its nature call it democracy (Williams 1995:65), one could aptly say the world is in the age of democracy. But as democracy is gaining currency the world over, it need be stated that the Institution of political party constitutes the lubricant of the current democratic wave. This is because, political parties serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as well as an instrument to garnering the informed and active participation of the citizens in the political process which constitutes the hallmark of any democratic practice. As noted by Hague and Harrop (1987:141-142), party competition is the hallmark of liberal democracy because it is the device which makes governments responsive to the electorates by providing voters with s ome choice while simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In other words, the greater the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the more democratic the political system is or becomes while the the more they are conscripted, the lesser the likelihood of a democratic political system. This view was also shared by Anifowoshe (2004: 59) when he noted that the condition of the political parties in a political system is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. It must however be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the nature and activities of political parties themselves may constitute a stumbling block in the way of democratic growth and sustenance. This has been the paradox of party politics in Africa where the institution has remained largely underdeveloped. Instances abound where activities of parties have been a major factor in the decline of democratic politics or outright termination of democratic administrations and their subsequent replacement by military authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point. Nigeria became independent in 1960 after years of colonial rule. Independence ushered in a multi party democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of circumstances including intra and inter party bickering and, political excesses of parties and their leaders among others, the first democratic republic was truncated in January 1966 following a bloody coup detat championed by the five Majors. The abrupt termination of the first republic also ushered in a thirteen-year long military rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had another taste of multiparty democracy between October 1979 and 31st December 1983. However, like most of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to mare the democratic processes, culminating in the military coup of December 31st 1983 and the beginning of a second phase of military rule in the country. Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted between December 1983 and May 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, political maneuverings and above all, endless transition to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed ‘Transition without End’. But while the political imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of political parties and their leaders, the need to avoid such was always advanced as a defensive mechanism for continuous tinkering with the then transition process. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 political associations that first prelude the third republic and their consequent replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that eventually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were carefully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997). However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigeria’s current democratic experience was the end product of a long and tortuous journey through the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90’s generally was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better life was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the sanctity of the party institution to democratic sustenance, the country has continued to operate a â€Å"growing† multiparty democracy since 1999. Thus, from three parties in 1999, it currently has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this paper seeks to examine the role of parties in sustaining Nigeria’s democracy. Further to this are: To what extent do Nigerian political parties conform to their expected role in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What are the encumbrances (if any) on their performance in Nigeria? What is / are to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis-à  -vis democratic sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the role of parties in a universal context is essential. Political Parties and Democracy: Theoretical Framework Political party is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include interest groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship between viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. Political parties are the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy based on the western model cannot function (Adele 2001:35). This is essentially because it provides a credible means of harnessing the variety of public opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is shared by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (2004:59) remarked: Democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selected by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population have the opportunity to participate. As a matter of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the b est possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. Implicit in the above statement is that a party’s level of institutionalization, cohesion and social base, determines the extent of its viability and the extent to which it could be said to be performing its functions in a democracy. In other words, viable political parties contribute to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although there are myriad of definitions on what constitutes a political party, yet they all revolve around electioneering and the control of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political power (Yaqub 2002:122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an organization, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political power and controlling the government (Onuoha 2 003:137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of political party is to capture and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for various posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to capture and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may have to be done in coalition with other party(ies). This is especially the case where electoral victory is not based on ‘first past the post’ system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats necessary for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform other functions which on the one hand set them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more importantly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include; the task of political recruitment and training, education, socialization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political communication among others (see Okoosi-simbine 2004:85-86; Yaqub 2002:112; Aina 2002:10-12, Onuoha 2003:137). It is the extent to which parties are able to discharge these functions that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that part ies especially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those intervening variables that are likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of ethnic, religious or other sectional interests. Where this is not avoided, the tendency is that a party will find it considerably difficult in harnessing or mobilizing mass support for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only to promote policies but also to secure social interests. It therefore follows that parties must have broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests rather than articulation of specific sectional ones. Also central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties become established and acquires value and enduring stability (Huttington, 1965:394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993:167). Of equal importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members’ (Janda 1980:118; 1993:173). There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in terms of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the factor of coherence that enable parties to effectively discharge the function of National integration which they are expected to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are observed to have attained the status described above, those in the developing countries tend to be a little far from it. In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal scale with those of the advanced countries in terms of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference between the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing concern over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party politics or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined next but before this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential. Roles and Functions of Political Parties From various literature on political party, it is evident that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. One major role expected of any political party is the task of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common aim of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or exercising political power either singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002:164; Ball 1988:73). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/platform through which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the case in both socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. According to Ball (198:77), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party situation) or weak, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually have implications for stability of the regime because they lack the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accommodate parties’ role as a credible means of political succession. This is because parties would have narrowed down the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important s tate policies and actions much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes. Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization agreed that it is a process by which individuals incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999:218). If this is true, it follows that in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual within the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vibrant individual. In addition, knowledge about political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization have been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the life circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acq uisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999:219). Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as link between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political communication. That is, parties provide a means of expression and information flow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of information is crucial to the survival of any political system, the direction of information flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the ruling party to feel the pulse of the populace as well as respond positively to policy demands. But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and strengthen the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow will be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987: 140) had noted that in Stalin’s Russia, ‘the democratic’ expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist Party was negligible compared with the â€Å"centralist† flow of directive from the top. This notwithstanding, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties have the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people. The formulation and implementation of collective goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilization role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens. This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes identification between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987:140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the nationalist parties of the third world who played critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987:140-141). In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or national scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the multitude of competing interests into a broad national value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most often, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling int erests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in politics and which ones are left out. From discussions so far, it is apparent that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals within the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria will be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the country’s current fourth republic. Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup; another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the exception of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971); Joseph 1991; Diamond et al 1997; Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002). To begin with, parties in Nigeria’s current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment. Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are Alliance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples Party (ANPP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the future and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least, a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections. Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the south westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections. Following increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples’ Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that made their registration inevitable included subtle blackmail by other associations seeking registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among existing parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004: 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections. It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength. Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering within the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Alliance †¦ For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chairman and other prominent members of the party. The same account could be read for the recently formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD. Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have always adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section. Nigerian Parties and Democratic Consolidation Perhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increasing sensitization and political education of Nigerians. However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask: what is the quality of candidates being recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are negative. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations. It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in Chief Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the party’s presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the undemocratic nature of what is now the ‘De Rovans Hotel’ episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 2006:18). So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and †¦. The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties’ aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a surreptitious arrangement. Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd. General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without holding a convention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. First is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system. In terms of political communication and serving as link between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties’ structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are mo re of client-patronage relation. Party leaders and elected officers most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens’ initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and indeed the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or funct ion effectively as lubricant of the democratic project. As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playing contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful oratory remarks. The average politician is always willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine. Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates. Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is rooted in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region. However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, Religion will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders†¦. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjo’s ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003). The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic. In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations. The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria. Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in Nigeria From discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideological emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 2005:24), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society. Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (2002:19), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political party’s direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003:141). It is the party’s statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (2005:22) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003:145) rightly observed, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubri cate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance. Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed party’s base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly , of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization. Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to hijack by money barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. Politics generally is an expensive activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and gover nor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the party’s purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, †¦June, 2006:16). The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International IDEA (2006:8) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political partie s is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members. This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (2006:8), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigeria’s long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic. But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigeria’s long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. Conclusion So far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression. In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into useful premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. The above, it is believe are good recipe for democratic sustenance in Nigeria. References Anifowoshe, Remi (2004), ‘Political Parties and Party System in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects’ in Olurode, Lai and Anifowoshe, Remi (eds.) Issues in Nigeria’s 1999 General Elections. Lagos, Nigeria: John West Publications Limited and Rebonik Publications Ltd, pp. 55-78. Diamond, Larry, Kirk-Greene, Anthony H.M and Oyediran, Oyeleye (eds.). Transition without End: Nigeria Politics and Civil Society under Babangida. Ibadan, Nigeria: Vantage Publishers. Babawale, Tunde(1999),’Political Culture and Political Socialization’ in Remi, Anifowoshe and Emenuo, Francis (eds.) Elements of Politics. Lagos, Nigeria: Sam Iwanusi Publications. Pp. 210-225. Ball, Alan (1988), Modern Politics and Government 4th Edition. London: Macmillan Press Coleman, J.S (1971) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hague, Rod and Harrop, Martin (1987), Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction. 2nd Edition. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education Ltd. International IDEA (2006), Nigeria: Country Report Based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Stockholm, Sweden. Janda, Keneath (1993) ‘Comparative Political Parties: Research and Theory’ in Finifter, Ada, W (ed.) Political Science: The State of the Discipline II. Washinton DC: American Political Science Association. Pp.163-191. Joseph, Richard (1991), Prebendal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: UPL Marahatha Christian Journal Online (2003), Religion is Likely to determine Nigeria’s Election. URL: http://www.mcjonline.com/news. Retrieved August 15 2005 Momoh, Abubakar and Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa (2001), An Overview of the 1998 – 1999 Democratisation Process in Nigeria. DPMN Bulletin Online: http://www.dpmf.org (Retrieved January 4 2006) Okoosi-Simbine, Anthony (2005), ‘Political Vagrancy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’ in Momoh, Abubakar and Godwin, Onu (eds.) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Nigeria: Nigerian Political Science Association pp 17 – 33 Onuoha, Browne (2003), ‘Political Parties and Elections: A Critical Review of Party Manifestoes’ in New Era Foundation, The Grassroots and Political Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Joe – Tolalu Associates pp 137 – 152 Suleiman, A. and Muhammad, A. A. (2006), ‘Religion, Party politics and Democracy: Implications of Religion in Nigeria’s 2003 Presidential Election’ Journal of Development. Vol. 2 no 1 (Forth coming) Ujo, Abdulhamid (2000), Understanding Political Parties in Nigeria. Kaduna: klamidas Publishers Williams, Adebayo (1995) ‘The Fictionalization of Democratic Struggles in Africa: The Nigerian Experience’ in Olowu, Dele; Soremekun, Kayode and Williams, Adebayo (eds.) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Pp. 65-67. Yaqub, Nuhu (2002), ‘Political Parties in the Transition Process’ in Onuoha, Browne and Fadakinte, M. M. (eds.), Transition Politics in Nigeria, 1970 – 1999. London: Malthouse Press limited pp 118 – 134

The Function of Law

The Function and Role of Law Jeremy Harrell LAW 421/ Contemporary Business Law Denver Snuffer The Function and Role of Law in Business and Society Law is something that affects everyone wherever they live. If you are involved in a business, law is definitely something that will affect you in more ways than one. Lack of knowledge of the society you live in and how laws will govern you can affect you and your business in the way you operate. Law Defined and its Effect on SocietyAccording to Wikipedia, â€Å"Commercial law, also known as business law, is the body of law that applies to the rights, relations, and conduct of persons and businesses engaged in commerce, merchandising, trade, and sales. It is often considered to be a branch of civil law and deals with issues of both private law and public law. † Not only can law have an effect on society and business, but business and society can in return have an impact on law. The influence of a business on society can affect change s to laws which govern how they operate.This influence can be through recommending changes that will help their business, or help protect them from a society that has become a â€Å"sue happy† society in order to make money in an unstable economy, in my opinion. Interesting Events Some of the interesting law suits that I am referring to in my claim that our society is a â€Å"sew happy† society is quite intriguing. I worked for a McDonald’s restaurant in Twin Falls, Idaho in 1994. One lawsuit that occurred with a McDonald’s in New Mexico over spilt coffee is one of the lawsuits I am referring to.From what I recall of this lawsuit as told by my employer, the customer in New Mexico came through the drive thru and ordered a cup of coffee as part of their order. As they departed out of the drive thru, the coffee spilt on the customer’s lap, causing third degree burns. I don’t know how much the medical bills of the customer were, but McDonaldâ₠¬â„¢s was sewed and the customer received a settlement from this lawsuit. As stated on Wikipedia, â€Å"ABC News called this lawsuit ‘the poster child of excessive lawsuits. † This is one of many examples of people sewing businesses over dumb stuff in my opinion. Who would want their coffee cold? That would more than likely lead to a complaint to the business. How it Affects My Current Occupation Business law is not the only law that affects my occupation, as I am in the military. I am also governed by the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The UCMJ predates the constitution. The UCMJ is contained in Title 10, sections 801 through 946. â€Å"Scribd†) The UCMJ includes a lot of items that are wrong in our society as well, but allows for additional punishments and disciplinary action in the military system. The legal advisors in the military are referred to as Judge Advocate General’s (JAG’s). Since I work in the personnel portion of the industr y, I deal with JAG’s on a regular basis. I have had to sit as a recorder on disciplinary boards, recording and listening to what goes on as Soldier’s are disciplined for their actions. Because of the UCMJ, Soldier’s could be disciplined twice depending on the nature of the incident.I recall when I was deployed to Afghanistan having to help process legal paperwork for my Battalion Commander as he had to discipline twelve Soldier’s in the first two weeks for violations of the UCMJ that occurred when these Soldier’s were in Hawaii because he was their first O5 in their chain at the time of the disciplinary action. This was a huge eye opener to me of what can happen when law and the UCMJ are violated. Conclusion As I have started to learn about Business Law and hear about court cases between people in society and businesses, I know how important it is in business to follow the law.In addition, it is also important to do your part as a citizen and busin essman to implement and enforce laws that govern you in your business and operations. References Scribd. (). Retrieved from http://www. scribd. com/doc/982597/The-History-of-the-Military-Justice-System Wikipedia. (). Retrieved from http://en. wikipedia. org/w/index. php? title=Special%3ASearch&profile=default&search=business+law&fulltext=Search Wikipedia. (). Retrieved from http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Liebeck_v. _McDonald's_Restaurants

Infidelity across the country Essay

There is a rise in infidelity across the country. It is becoming more common; affecting everyone from celebrities, presidents, married couples, and new lovers. People are more openly talking about infidelity. Infidelity has been on the rise for some time now and is expected to continue to rise. Free dictionary.com defines infidelity as unfaithfulness to a sexual partner especially a spouse. Infidelity statistics show cheating is on the rise; over 50% of both men and women have had a sexual relationship with a person other than their spouse during their marriage. There are many different causes and effects of infidelity, mostly negative, but some can be positive. One possible cause is availability and opportunity. There are so many options of cheating—emotional, cyber, and sexual. There are even more ways to hide it, most believe they will not get caught. When the opportunity arises, it is too tempting for most people to pass up. I took a survey in the class to see what fellow classmates believed was the most common cause of cheating. 60% believed that a change in perspective is the leading cause to infidelity. Another cause is technology. Technology makes cheating easier than it ever has been. Numerous people visit online chat rooms and dating sites. Several of those people stay in contact with their online friends, on a daily basis. According to the infidelity statistics nearly 60% of internet users flirt over internet. 40% of them have engaged in sexual conversation. 50% have contacted their online friends. Online porn directly contributes to divorce. There is a direct correlation between online infidelity and sexual affairs. Some people cheat for the thrill of the adrenaline. Knowing cheating is prohibited, they get a rush or high. These people want to avoid boredom in their life. They feel their life is predictable and they want to live on the edge. Familiarity can also play a role in cheating. As time passes, people know their partner very well; this can lead to lack of excitement. If excitement is found elsewhere it can drive a person to cheat. These people believe the grass is green er on the other side. When they become attracted to another they act on it. There are emotional feelings which can lead to infidelity. If one partner feels they are superior to the other, they believe they should cheat. They justify their  behavior by feeling they deserve to be with someone equal to them. Another factor is unexpressed anger or a desire to get even. If a partner has previously been caught cheating, the non-cheater may decide to cheat. They believe if they cheat, both will be equal, thus making them feel better. This type of reaction tends not to play out well, for either side. There are physical factors that play into infidelity. Not all people age gracefully. Some people cheat if they get the chance. They want to prove they still can. As their age increases, their self-esteem decreases. They begin to wonder if they are still attractive to the opposite sex. Many people get into an affair just for the affirmation they still have it. Another physical factor is the environment they grew up in. If children are raised in a home where parents or other family cheat, they believe it is perfectly alright. Young individuals are taught, by family and friends, to believe that monogamy is unnat ural and cheating is acceptable. They then apply this learned behavior to their own life. This further increases the trend of continuous cheating. Another cause of the increase in cheating is different sexual experiences. One sexual partner may be more experienced, leaving them bored with their less experienced partner. Some people have a sexual addiction, like Tiger Woods. He had an amazing life, #1 golfer, nice house, beautiful wife, good family, but it still wasn’t enough for him. He admitted to multiple infidelities while married. He also confessed to having a sexual addiction, which he sought treatment for. However, this could not save his marriage; it ended with a public divorce. Celebrity affairs impact the rise in cheating. These affairs are made public, talked about on TV, in magazines, and on the radio. The mistresses are followed by the press, offered money for their story, and become celebrity-like overnight. The most recent public example is focused on General David Petraeus and his biographer, Paula Broadwell. The General worked for the CIA, he willingly resigned after news of the affair was made public. In his resignation note he stated, â€Å"I showed extremely poor judgment by engaging in an extramarital affair. Such behavior is unacceptable, both as a husband and as a leader of an organization [CIA] such as ours.† Not only did this have a negative impact on his marriage, but his life long career as well. The most well-known affair would be with President Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky. Clinton struggled with the decision to talk publically about the  affair. He contacted a friend for advice on if he should come out with the truth. He stated â€Å"I didn’t do what they said I did, but I may have done so much that I can’t prove my innocence.† His friend advised him to tell the truth, he said the American people will forgive adultery but not lies. People spoke of impeaching him, but this never happened, he finished out his term. The effects of cheating are devastating. It affects the person on the receiving end more than it does the cheater. Infidelity can have effects on both partners. Not all relationships can make it through this hard time. A majority of people affected by infidelity want to let the relationship go and move on. The person, who was cheated on, ends up with a shattered self-image. He/she is infected with severe self-doubt and blame. They can’t help but become depressed or even suicidal. This could cause them to lose faith/trust in both people and relationships. People directly affected by infidelity are more likely to be insecure or angry. If they do not seek professional help it could result in continuous problems. Most effects of cheating are negative, but there are a few positive results. Infidelity could cause one, or both partners, to seek much needed professional help. Some issues can be worked through, but require both time and work. If a couple makes it thru an occurrence, they could form a stronger bond, and become thankful for what they do have. The most critical/significant cause of cheating is a lack of emotional intimacy. Over time, the love almost dies. Couples make the poor choice to remain in these dead relationships for long periods of time. The need for love and feeling of importance is crucial to the survival of a relationship. If a partner feels neglected they may seek love from an alternative source. Spending too little time with a partner leaves them feeling their needs and/or desires are unmet. Women are more prone to cheating if they feel unaccepted, and unloved. When affection is missing it can drive an individual to cheat. The rise in infidelity has a tremendous impact on the lives of many people. There is a marriage crisis in America. In 2010, less than 50% of Americans were married. A half century ago almost 75% were married. Happiness in marriages has dropped, and divorce rates have gone up. If something is not done to decrease infidelity, theses rates will continue to go up.

Ethics within any organization of the world is an important Essay

Ethics within any organization of the world is an important manifestation - Essay Example What is needed is courage and vigor to do things right and that too with a sense of understanding and empathy. As far as an individual ethical definition is concerned, nearly every human being has a distinctive meaning for the same. There are certain people who believe in it while others do not care much. However, what is definitive is the fact that ethics shall be embedded within the lives of the people in their personal and professional realms, because they are answerable to others and to their religious perspectives nonetheless. The workplace domains are therefore reliant on the ethical repercussions because ethics takes care of how well these organizations would comprise of success and how boldly they can defy the negatives which come their way. What is important is to realize that the ethical discussions are held in good stead, and without much trouble at any end. The people who are behind such discussions should always be taken seriously because they are doing something worthwh ile, and must therefore be accepted for who they are and what they bring to the organization in essence. As far as an evaluation of my own ethical values is concerned, I am one of the few people around who comply fully with whatever comes under the aegis of ethics. This is the reason why I have always believed staunchly in the ethical manifestations and have given my best no matter how difficult it has been. This has made me into a strong-willed and determined moral individual, which remains significant to me than anything else. I can easily translate the same within my professional domains since my personal one is covered in a proper manner. I have understood that if people are treated fairly, then they respond in a positive way. However, when the dealing is more on the negative lines, the feedback that is received from them is all the more critical and this is where one can draw the line between the ethical realms and the unethical behaviors. It is important that the people realiz e the kind of ethical consequences they are looking forward to receiving at the hands of others. This is the reason why ethics is deemed as something that brings true value for the people no matter how tough it is to document. Ethics is therefore being seen as a major force that if employed properly, can bring about success for one and all. It can draw in productivity towards the workplace settings and give solace to the ones who actually believe in it quite a lot (Rasberry, 2000). Then again, there are some individuals who might not completely adhere with it yet somehow or the other have inkling that ethical undertakings are geared to be incorporated in the most righteous way. I am of the belief that ethics should always be employed because it has a sense of optimism attached with it that benefits the people and their work related measures in entirety. I have always envisioned ethics to be one of the most desired forms of human behavior. This is because it completes an individual a nd makes him feel empowered in the most basic way. It allows him to manifest his truest self without the fear of anyone, which is very significant if seen within the related scheme of things. When the same understandings are reached upon in an organizational setting, the focus seems all the more pertinent. There is reason enough to believe such a premise, largely so because the ethical boundaries are defined by the actions and the people who undertake

Ethical situation in business Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Ethical situation in business - Essay Example panies need to emphasize on ethics in order to satisfy their employee pool and use existing human resource pool in to fillip growth (Trevino & Nelson, 2010, p. 194). Code of ethics helps the company to build sustainable image in front of their stakeholders. Unethical business practice creates negative image in front of shareholders and government of the country. In the extreme case of unethical behaviors like fraud, bankruptcy, misrepresentation of company asset or any kind of forgery government takes legal action against the company. Legal action against the company not only hurts market reputation of the company but negatively affects shareholder’s interest. In the given situation companies of USA has designed ethical assistance lines for employees to report ethical concern or ask question about companies business pattern in order to create a transparent ethical environment in the organization. The following diagram will show propensity of employee to report unethical business practice of the company (Ferrell, Fraedrich, & Ferrell, 2009, p. 222). The company will only accept projects for which they have the requisite knowledge, expertise and experience to accomplish task successfully. The company will engage only those employees who have the requisite expertise and knowledge to complete the project in accordance to demand of clients. Employees of the company will take care of the confidential client information and must not disclose any of the information in public without taking formal permission from clients. Disclosing client information to their competitor’s is strictly prohibited and employees practicing such unethical transaction will be under legal jurisdiction of Federal Government. Employees and the company will not accept any kind of bribe, remuneration, commission or any kind of fringe benefit from third party connected to clients without taking prior permission from clients. The company will disclose such kind of monetary offer from third

Color Compisition and Polarized Light Research Paper

Color Compisition and Polarized Light - Research Paper Example These forms of microscopes are well designed in such a manner that they are capable of photographing the most visible specimens because of their existing anisotropic characters. These microscopes are duly instilled with the polarizers and the analyzers. Polarizers are often placed across the light path just before the given specimen, while the analyzers are usually placed at the optical pathway of the objective camera port and rear aperture).Interaction of the plane polarized light with the birefringent specimen tend to produce two definite wave components in which one of them is ordinary while the other seems to be extraordinary. They are polarized in such a manner that they generate some sort of contrast colors on the mutually parallel planes. Microscopy polarization as a concept thus offers a lot of information regarding the color composition and three-dimensional patterns of a number of samples. This methodology can hence disclose some essential information on the thermal history , as well as the specimen’s strains and stresses. On the other hand, a lot of information and data components can be fully assessed with the crossed polarizer or the plane-polarized light. Crossed polarizer often refers to a situation whereby the analyzer is mutually inserted into the existing optical path; while the plane polarized light occurs when the analyzer is duly removed from the existing optical path. The plane-polarized light offers adequate information on the  specimen’s optical relief, which is mainly obvious within the boundary visibility, and also enhances the refractive index. Materials with higher relief have varying refractive indices with the mounting medium. When rotated around the microscope’s optical axis, the placement of transparent or even translucent materials in plane-polarized light tends to generate greater brightness and colors in

Management and Leadership Development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Management and Leadership Development - Essay Example This study looks into management is fundamentally a human social craft necessitating the ability to interpret the wants and thoughts of others. On the other hand, leadership has been defined as an influence relationship among followers and leaders who are determined to introduce real changes reflecting their mutual purposes. However, some authors have commented that leadership is nothing more than a romantic myth based on untrue and unrealistic hopes and expectations. A number of management approaches have been developed to address contemporary ideas in the leadership and management development. For example, Longenceker and Neubert contend that the constant state of change has diminished the potential for actual long term benefits. However, they fail to realise that the change has become an internal part of today’s business environment and there is no way to avoid the presence and implications of the change. Contrary to the above contemporary idea in the management development , a number of authors who believe that with the changing requirements in the organizations, the organizations have welcomed the phenomena of change and have moulded their organizational structure along with the management development. They also maintain that managers face the issues such as more work for less rewards as organizations re-invent themselves in order to remain competitive and attain competitive advantage. Organizations do not survive without appropriately satisfying the needs of all stakeholders including managers. No organization prefers to increase its labour turnover cost under normal circumstances. In the following parts of this literature review, first, definition of management is provided and is followed by the definition of leadership. Subsequent to that, the critical evaluation of the management development has been included before the description of critical evaluation of the leadership development. A summary of literature review is provided after the critical evaluation of leadership development. Definition of Management Management is essentially a human social craft requiring the ability to interpret the thoughts and wants of others who could be employees, competitors, customers or whatever; management is the facility to shape values, meanings and human commitments (Watson 1994, p.223). Moreover, management is responsible for others, maintaining and controlling processes and implementing policies as well. Definition of Leadership Defining leadership has been elusive and complex problem largely because he nature of leadership itself is indistinct (Daft & Lane 2008). Some have even stated that leadership is nothing more than a romantic myth based on false hopes and expectations that someone will come along with an utter ability to solve their issues and problems. However, Rost (1991) defines that leadership is an influence relationship among followers and leaders intending real changes that reflect their mutual objectives. Critical Evalua tion of Management Development Historically, management theory and practice have been largely influenced by the classical approach of Taylor’s scientific management movement, Weber’s bureaucracy and Fayol’s administrative principles (Mighty and Ashton 2003). In these aspects, managers are assumed to be â€Å"heroes† making a considerable positive contribution to organizational effective and performance (Mintzberg 1973, 1975). However, particularly in the last quarter of the twentieth century, this perspective was seriously challenged. Pfeffer (1977) for example, contended that organizational outcomes were significantly attached or linked primarily to a range of external, contextual factors rather than the policies and actions of the organizational leaders. New challenges such as increased competition on a global level, constantly changing technological means along with the growth of information and knowledge age have largely influenced and challenged the traditional methods of managing the organizational

Strengths of EBP Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Strengths of EBP - Coursework Example Intervention involves setting and realizing targets, while research emphasizes intervention. Lastly, there is the general evidence, which has resulted to standardization of nursing practice. There are two main reasons that emphasize on the importance of integrating EBP with family practice. First, one’s health is not only limited to medication one uses, but also to the patient’s confidence in the medication given. The second reason is the existence of trust between the doctor and the patient. This eases the patients desire to follow doctor’s instructions to the latter. The doctor is also bound to do his best in such cases. A nurse has a lot of responsibilities when EBP and family practices mismatch. Primarily, nurses should redesign the health care system through creativity and involvement of teamwork. In addition, it is essential to have comfortable programs for research. Furthermore, future workforce should receive proper training as well as current work force. Finally, multiple perspectives should be encouraged in the health system. This results in sound decision-making that will lead to matching EBP and family

THE GLOBAL CAR INDUSTRY Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

THE GLOBAL CAR INDUSTRY - Essay Example A major change in the iron and steel industry will make great changes in the prices of cars. The market is greatly impacted by the reputation and quality of the product. A car company with good reputation that provides higher quality products and good after sales service will definitely capture more markets. But above all the primary factor that drives the industry is the usage of latest technology for the product as well as for production. This report studies clearly the competitive position of the car market. The report is based on Daimler Chrysler, one of the biggest car makers of the world. The company has its presence in almost all parts of the world either through production plants or through distribution channels. The company has many competitors which are equally potential and competitive to Daimler Chrysler. Therefore, the company is running through a highly competitive environment and is in a process of framing new strategies for its betterment. The report critically analyses the current position of the company as a car manufacturer. The current strategies of the company and its future plans are also referred in the report. The industry is highly influenced by the economic condition of the country. Daimler Chrysler was founded in the year 1998 by the merger of two old and giant company’s Daimler Benz of Germany and Chrysler Corporation of US. German based Daimler Benz has been in the industry since 1926. US based Chrysler Corporation was formed in the year 1925. Daimler Chrysler is one of the leading manufacturers and distributors of passenger cars and commercial vehicles in the world. â€Å"Today, the company is a leading supplier of premium passenger cars as well as the world‘s largest manufacturer of commercial vehicles† (Corporate Profile-overview. 2008). The company operates in the various sectors of automobiles through its various brands. The different brands of the company

Advanced Seminar Final Take Home Exam Assignment

Advanced Seminar Final Take Home Exam - Assignment Example The fourth is education in order to enhance growth of knowledge and the management of activities that direct, organize or control activities that psychologists offer to the public. Fifth is ability to adhere to ethics of good practice and lastly the skills to develop appropriate attitudes towards the understanding of concepts such as individual differences, cultural diversity and professional development (Falender & Shafranske, 2008). MASTERY stands for Mastering knowledge, Assessing skills and competence, Setting minimal competency standards, Training to competency, Evaluating understanding of relevant legal and ethical principles, Reviewing skill level and Yielding to continuing education (Falender & Shafranske, 2008). I will ensure that the trainees have the knowledge required of them to become competent psychologists by providing training opportunities for them in order to build their knowledge and skills. After the training I will use various methods to assess whether they have acquired the right knowledge and skills necessary for them to perform their duties. In order for them learn faster and acquire these skills it is important to set minimal standards for them so that they feel motivated to learn. In the supervision I will continue to offer more avenues for training so that they build on their competencies so that they feel competent about their duties. I will also ensure that they do understand ethical concerns in handling patients by exposing them to various legal and ethical problems. I will also evaluate them to see whether they have learnt anything if not I will give them a chance to build their knowledge through continued education. Intentional self-disclosure is the deliberate verbal or nob verbal disclosure of personal information. It refers to both verbal and other deliberate actions that may include placing a given family photo in the office. There are two types:

Constitution Paper Essay Example for Free

Constitution Paper Essay The weaknesses in the Articles of Confederation were pointed out by the Constitution. The Articles of Confederation were tweaked in May 1786. This introduced a set of fresh regulations for the central government. Thedeclaration of Independence was approved by the Congress on July 4, 1776. The Constitution paid attention to the irregularities in the Declaration of Independence and replaced all direct mentions of slavery. The Great Compromise drew an end to the disagreements among the states and set congressional representation upon population on an equal basis. The Bill of Rights was introduced by James Madison to the first United States Congress on August 21 1789 and was used by the House of Representatives. John Dickinson proposed an outline to the Articles of Confederation in 1776. The first establishment of a formal government in the colonies was introduced in this. The Articles of Confederation was accepted by thirteen states on March 1 1781. The document of unification introduced a semblance of control to the central government. The Articles of Confederation helped address a feeble government system and pointed out a number of failures. Nonetheless The Articles of Confederation offered very little success as a government tool. The U.S. Constitution was put in writing in 1787. The new U.S. Constitution attempted to address the unsuccessful failures of the Articles of Confederation. For example, the Congress had no authority to charge taxes on the states. The system relied on donations from the states. The notion of federal taxation was opposed by the states. This caused an overpowering rise in currency because Congress did not have proper funding.Another defect of Congress was that it failed be in command of the foreign commerce. As a result, merchants and consumers had to pay high prices. Though Congress did possess the power to pass regulations and laws they were not allowed The thirteen American colonies of Great Britain revolted and declared independence for good reason. The actions of the British governm ent the king deprived Americans of numerous rights that were guaranteed to all other British citizens. In fact, many of these rights were guaranteed as early as 1215 since the American colonists were British citizens they had good reason to expect those rights to be recognized. They werent and in 1776 the American colonies declared independence and became the United States of America. When Americans wrote the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, they made sure to fix the problems.  These are some of the ways they fix the problems The king exercised absolute power. The power of British kings had been limited since 1215 almost 400 years before the first American colony was settled. The US Constitution divides power among three branches of government, and there are checks and balances to make sure that no single branch gets too powerful. Colonials were taxed without their consent. British citizens were represented in Parliament American colonists were not represented in Parliament, even though they were British citizens The US Constitution gives Congress the power to tax US citizens, and US citizens are represented in Congress by representatives they elect. July 16, 1987 began with a light breeze a cloudless sky and a spirit of celebration. On that day two hundred senators and representatives boarded a special train for a journey to Philadelphia to celebrate a sing ular congressional anniversary. Exactly two hundred years earlier the framers of the U.S. Constitution, meeting at Independence Hall, had reached a supremely important agreement. Their so called Great Compromise Connecticut Compromise in honor of its architects Connecticut delegates Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth provided a dual system of congressional representation. In the House of Representatives each state would be assigned a number of seats in proportion to its population. In the Senate all states would have the same number of seats. Today we take this arrangement for granted in the wilting hot summer of 1787 it was a new idea. In the weeks before July 16 1787 the framers had made several important decisions about the Senates structure. They turned aside a proposal to have the House of Representatives elect senators from lists submitted by the individual state legislatures and agreed that those legislatures should elect their own senators. By July 16 the convention had already set the minimum age for senators at thirty and the term length at six years as opposed to twenty-five for House members with two year terms. James Madison explained that these distinctions based on the nature of the senatorial trust, which requires greater extent of information and stability of character would allow the Senate to proceed with more coolness with more system and with more wisdom than the popular electedbranch The issue of representation however threatened to destroy the seven week old convention. Delegates from the large states believed that because their states contributed proportionally more to the nations financial and defensive  resources they should enjoy proportionally greater representation in the Senate as well as in the House. Small-state delegates demanded, with comparable intensity, that all states be equally represented in both houses. When Sherman proposed the compromise, Benjamin Franklin agreed that each state should have an equal vote in the Senate in all mattersexcept those involving money. Over the Fourth of July holiday delegates worked out a compromise plan that sidetracked Franklins proposal. On July 16 the convention adopted the Great Compromise by a heart stopping margin of one vote. As the 1987 celebrants duly noted without that vote there would likely have been no Constitution. I think the bill of rights would be the perfect discussion what is the bill of rights The original Constitution as proposed in 1787 in Philadelphia and as ratified by the sta tes, contained very few individual rights guarantees as the framers were primarily focused on establishing the machinery for an effective federal government. A proposal by delegate Charles Pinckney to include several rights guarantees including liberty of the press and a ban on quartering soldiers in private homes was submitted to the Committee on Detail on August 20 1787 but the Committee did not adopt any of Pinckney recommendations. The matter came up before the Convention on September 12 1787 and following a brief debate proposals to include a Bill or Rights in the Constitution were rejected. As adopted, the Constitution included only a few specific rights guarantees protection against states impairing the obligation of contracts provisions that prohibit both the federal and state governments from enforcingex post facto lawslaws that allow punishment for an action that was not criminal at the time it was undertaken and provisions barringbills of attainderlegislative determinations of guilt and punishment Art. I Sections 9 and 10. The framers and notably James Madison its principal architect believed that the Constitution protected lib erty primarily through its division of powers that made it difficult for an oppressive majorities to form and capture power to be used against minorities. Delegates also probably feared that a debate over liberty guarantees might prolong or even threaten the fiercely-debated compromises that had been made over the long hot summer of 1787. In the ratification debate Ant Federalists opposed to the Constitution complained that the new system threatened liberties and suggested that if the delegates had truly cared about protecting individual rights they would have included  provisions that accomplished that. With ratification in serious doubt Federalists announced a willingness to take up the matter of series of amendments to be called the Bill of Rights soon after ratification and the First Congress comes into session. The concession wasundoubtedlynecessary to secure the Constitutions hard fought ratification. Thomas Jefferson, who did not attend the Constitutional Convention,in a December 1787 letter to Madisoncalled the omission of a Bill of Rights a major mistake A bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth. James Madison was skeptical of the value of a listing of rights, calling it a parchment barrier. Madisons preference at the Convention to safeguard liberties was by giving Congress an unlimited veto over state laws and creating a joint executive judicial council of revision that could veto federal laws. Despite his skepticism, by the fall of 1788 Madison believed that a declaration of rights should be added to the Constitution. Its value, in Madisons view, was in part educational, in part as a vehicle that might be used to rally people against a future oppressive government and finally in an argumentborrowed from Thomas Jefferson Madison argued that a declaration of rights would help install the judiciary as guardian ofindividual rights against the other branches.

Biological Membranes Essay Example for Free

Biological Membranes Essay Internal membranes for organelles Bilayer Permeability †¢ Low permeability to charged and polar substances †¢ Water is an exception: small size, lack of charge, and its high concentration †¢ Shedding solvation shells for ions is very unlikelyCommon Features of Biological Membranes Sheet-like structure TWO-molecule thick (60-100A) Lipids, Proteins, and carbohydrates Lipids form the barrier. Proteins mediate distinct functions. Non-covalent assemblies (self-assembly, protein-lipid interaction) Asymmetric (always) Fluid structures: 2-dimensional solution of oriented lipids and proteins Electrically polarized (inside negative ~-60mV) Spontaneously forming in water Protein/lipid ratio = 1/4 – 4/1 Carbohydrate moieties are always outside the cell Protein/Lipid ratio †¢ Pure lipid: insulation (neuronal cells) †¢ Other membranes: on average 50% †¢ Energy transduction membranes (75%) Internal membranes of mitocondria and Each atom i at position ri, is treated as a point with a mass mi and a fixed charge qi. What is the Force Field? In molecular dynamics a molecule is described as a series of charged points (atoms) linked by springs (bonds). To describe the time evolution of bond lengths, bond angles and torsions, also the non-bonding van der Waals and elecrostatic interactions between atoms, one uses a force field. The force field is a collection of equations and associated constants designed to reproduce molecular geometry and selected properties of tested structures. Energy Terms Described in the CHARMm Force Field

Roles And Responsibilities In Education And Training

Roles And Responsibilities In Education And Training Understanding roles, responsibilities and relationships in education and training Oxford Dictionaries defines a role as â€Å"the function assumed or part played by a person †¦.in a particular situation†. It defines responsibility as â€Å"a thing which one is required to do as part of a job, role, or legal obligation†. The role of a teacher is varied and you are required to â€Å"wear many hats: friend, counsellor, judge, mentor, hundreds of roles and different roles for different classes†¦ â€Å"(Holtrop, 1997). The teacher needs to create a safe learning environment, facilitates open communication, and encourages students to discuss the material, whilst assessing the various learning styles in order to utilize the most appropriate teaching methods. It is important that all students have equal access to the learning. The roles and responsibility of the teacher can best be understood in terms of the teaching cycle. This is based on the learning cycled developed by David. A. Kolb (1984). Identifying needs and planning: The teacher (as an evaluator) needs to assess the students in order to establish their learning styles. A widely used learning style model in education is known as VARK (Fleming 2006). It is important to understand previous learning experiences and such factors as special educational needs. Having completed the assessment and established their needs. The teacher needs to develop a lesson plan, reaching all the students and that will deliver the learning outcomes. Designing the learning: The teacher’s role is to develop a lesson plan to ensure the syllabus/course material are completed on time, taking into account the course length and sessions available. The teacher needs to design the sessions using different teaching methods that take into account the students learning style s. He will also need to consider the resources required and the assessment methods to be used. Implement (facilitate): The teacher (as facilitator) needs to deliver the plan of learning in such a manner to ensure students are engaged and focused in each session. Students will need to understand the aims of the session and the outcomes expected. The teacher needs to deliver the planned session material, using the various resources, activities (e.g. worksheets, QA) and teaching methods identified during the design stage. He needs to be aware that he may need to adapt the session if students experience difficulties. Assessing: The teacher (as the assessor) is responsible for the continuous assessment of the students in order to ensure students are involved and understand the session. It is important to use a variety of methods. Two of the most recognised are formative assessment which contributes to learning through providing feedback, and summative which demonstrates the extent of the learner’s success in meeting the required criteria. It must provide the teacher and student with a clear picture of the students understanding and progress being made. The assessments need to be reliable and consist enabling the teacher to provide any help required to make changes and improve the students’ progress. Evaluating: check learning and initiate change. The teacher must make sure all the administrative and organizational requirements have been completed, included the requirements by external bodies (i.e. awarding bodies). The teacher needs to evaluate the results of the students in the context of the course design, learning methods and resources used. This reflection needs to use to make the next session more successful. A teacher in the life-long learning sector needs to interact with other professionals depending on the situation. These may include managers, other support staff (e.g. librarians, technicians, facilities staff) administrators, managers, employers and governors. These conflicting demands may cause strain for the teacher. A teacher may be required to call on the expertise and advice of others in order to resolve issues faced by students e.g. abuse, illness, financial hardship, bullying, stress, study skills issues and depression. It is important to learn when a particular circumstance falls within their role or when it is more effectively dealt with by another trained professional. Often there is no clear line and it will depend on the issue the teacher is faced with, also causing strain. There are a variety of functions and professionals available to the teacher within the organization. A teacher is unlikely to come into contact with external professionals (e.g. Citizens Advice, Socia l Care), without prior internal consultation. A teacher must understand his own professional boundaries by acting professional, behaving appropriately towards students, being observant, managing inappropriate behaviour, creating a safe learning environment and only meeting students at the place of learning. He will undertake other many roles. Boundaries can be understood as the need to recognise role limitations and understand when further help is required, beyond what can be given. This is a point of referral and will depend on the nature of the student, the nature of the issue and the nature of the role the teacher is in. The teacher may identify behavioural issues and refer early to the tutor to resolve this. He may suspect undiagnosed cases of dyslexia or dyscalculia in more mature students and after discussions with the student, refer him to the learning support for assistance. A teacher may suspect a safe guarding issue (e.g. bullying at home or some form of abuse) due a student’s behaviour. This may be a vulnerable adult in a care situation. He should discuss this with the safe guarding officer and refer the student. The safe guarding officer can share information with other organisation to ensure appropriate action can be taken. Legislation applies to the lifelong learning sector and teachers must ensure that relevant legislation is met. It is important to keep up to date as it can change. A framework of acts has be implemented for the protection of children and vulnerable groups. The first, Protection of Children Act 1999 requiring adults who come into contact with children or vulnerable adults to be subject of an enhanced check by the Criminal Records Bureau. This was followed by the Children Act 2004 â€Å"Every Child Matters: Change for Children† (ECM). EMC promotes the well-being of children, young people (aged 0-19) and vulnerable adults focusing on five outcomes: Be healthy, Stay Safe, Enjoy and achieve; Make a positive contribution; and Achieve economic well-being. It introduced the requirement for information to be shared between organisations. The Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups legislation 2006 aims to prevent unsuitable people from working with children or vulnerable adults by vetting (Dis closure and Barring Service) all those who wish to do such work and barring those who pose a risk of harm based on the information held. Within FE institutions the role of the Safe guarding officer brings all these requirements together, ensuring sharing with other groups takes place. Health and Safety at Work 1974. This sets out the general duties employers have towards employees and members of public, and employees have to themselves and to each other. It defines the duties (so far as is reasonably practicable) the employer has to look at what the risks are in the work place and to take sensible measures to tackle them. The teacher must ensure learners are briefed appropriately to ensure a safe classroom (e.g. fire briefing), and to undertake risk assessment for any activities outside the classroom. Data Protection Act 1998 defines the law on the processing of personal data and governs the protection of personal data held by companies and organisations. It sets out eight data prot ection principles that are required to adhere to. There is an exception allowing the sharing of data for safe guarding. A teacher must follow the policy set down by the organisation using the systems and tools provided e.g. attendance tracking, progress tracking etc. Equality Act 2010 protects people from discrimination in the work place and wider society. It brings together several pieces of legislation covering discrimination. It defines a number of protected characteristics (age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation) for which groups or individuals cannot be discriminated against. The teacher must be aware of these and ensure that he is inclusive and does not exclude any student. A teacher needs to be aware of the role of a number of other bodies such as: Ofqual regulates qualifications, examinations and assessments in England. Its task is to maintain standards by recognising and monitoring organisat ions that deliver qualifications. Ofsted inspects and regulates services which care for children and young people, and those providing education and skills for learners of all ages. It set standards of teaching in schools and colleges, initial teacher education, work-based learning, and other such services through an inspection/regulatory framework in England. It is important that teacher’s know and understand Ofsted’s inspection framework. Awarding bodies develop and award qualifications to meet the needs of learners, employers and other stakeholders. They focus on developing qualifications, approving centres to deliver these. Teachers work closely with these bodies in the development of courses and delivery. Institute for Learning (IFL) is the independent body for individual teachers, trainers, tutors, assessors and other professional the further education and skills sector. It is important as it introduced a code of practise (2008), covering professional integrity, respect, reasonable care, and professional practise, thus providing a professional standard for FE teachers. Membership became voluntary (2012). Many of its responsibilities will be transferred to the Education and Training Foundation (2014). Task B reflective account Explain why it is important to promote appropriate behaviour and respect for others It is important to promote appropriate behaviour and respect for others to create a safe learning environment in which all students will have an equal opportunity to learn. This can be achieved through a defined set of ground rules for the group of learners. There are a variety of ways this can be achieved. I can set them as the teacher, or the learners can set them or we can do it together. It is best to have the rules agreed jointly and this can be done in a group discussion. Students are more likely to follow these grounds rules as they participated in their formation and will feel ownership. Ground rules should be written down and a copy given to all students and displayed in the classroom. I as the teacher still have a central role as Wallace (2007) states â€Å"The teacher can themselves provide a model of appropriate behaviour†. My behaviour needs to reinforce the â€Å"ground rules† by me being on time, treating all students as individuals, supporting students a s necessary, teaching in an inclusive way and encouraging students to behave in a positive way. This will establish a positive and respectful working relationship, enabling me to focus on managing and challenging inappropriate behaviour demonstrated by any of the students. The methods used by me need to address issues early, they need to be non-judgemental, not put a student down, or use inappropriate language. The key is to maintain respect. Explain ways to promote equality and value diversity It is vital to promote equality and diversity in the FE sector. As a teacher I have to be inclusive and accessible to all my students, respect and celebrate the diversity of them as individuals, and ensure that I exclude no one through my actions: Equality I must ensure that every student is treated in the same way and I meet their needs, and if need be in different ways. All students are entitled to be taught according to their needs irrespective of differences. I will have assessed each students learning style, and I have to adapt my teaching style to help students overcome any learning difficulties they might have. I need to take those differences in account when I delivery the course material, and have the appropriate resources available for students with disabilities or learning difficulties. I need to ensure classroom is physical suitable for all the students. I must challenge any inappropriate behaviour e.g. inappropriate discriminating language, bullying. Diversity This appli es to everyone regardless of age, sex, religion, race, or nationality. As a teacher I have to recognise that students learn in different ways, and to take this as well as their social/cultural backgrounds and the experience they bring with them into account. Lesson plans must include realistic learning challenges students can achieve, whilst allowing for diversity through differentiated activities. I must be prepared for these activities. These activities can draw on the diversity within the group e.g. different religious festivals, living in different cultures/countries, and different life experiences. Explain why it is important to identify and meet individual learner needs Petty (1998:69) states: ‘All students must feel that they are positively and equally valued and accepted, and that their efforts to learn are recognised, and judged without bias. It is not enough that they are tolerated. They must feel that they, and the groups to which they belong (e.g. gender, social-class or attainment groups) are fully and equally accepted and valued by you, and the establishment in which you work’. It is important for me as the teacher to identify and meet individual learner needs in order to ensure students’ can learn and achieve their goals irrespective of any barriers that might exist such as race, gender, social group, disability, age, sexual orientation or religion. Every learner must have equal access to the learning opportunity so he can maximise his potential. I do this by identifying needs of the students through continuously assessing their progress and their performance during the course and individual session. This taken with my p reviously established understand of their learning styles will allow me to prepare the session material in several ways to ensure all students needs are meet, that they are able to fully understand meet their learning outcomes. I must provide any students with special educational needs support within the regular session and not to isolate them. By understanding the students’ needs I can use a variety of different teaching styles (e.g. language, body language, visual aids, and multi-media material) to ensure none of the students are isolated and are able to fully participate in the session. It is also important to understand the students’ needs as this will enable me to gain an insight in what motivates them and why they want to learn. I can engage them more fully in the learning experience, leading to improved outcomes for them. In teaching Maslow’s â€Å"hierarchy of needs† (Maslow.A.1943) and the expectancy-value theory of motivation (Eccles.J.1983) pro vide a framework to understand motivation.